Keynote Speech To The XIII Annual Andean Development Corporation Conference On Trade In The Americas

Press Release

Keynote Speech To The XIII Annual Andean Development Corporation Conference On Trade In The Americas

U.S. Sen. Dick Lugar made the following remarks today at the XIII Annual Andean Development Corporation Conference on Trade in the Americas, sponsored by the Inter-American Dialogue, Andean Development Corporation (CAF) and Organization of American States:

Thank you, Secretary Insulza, for your kind remarks. I am honored to participate in the Thirteenth Annual Andean Development Corporation Conference at such a critical moment in U.S. relations with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean.
The Obama Administration has largely preferred continuity over radical change on many regional issues. We are currently witnessing, however, an important change in tone in the relations between the United States and our hemispheric community. In his speech at the Fifth Summit of the Americas, President Obama eschewed the historic legacy of paternalism. Instead, he called for an “equal partnership” based on “mutual respect and common interests.”

This pledge has already been tested by recent crises and longstanding challenges.

Through the years a central, but unanswered, question in our relationship with the region is how the United States can play an appropriate and effective role in strengthening cooperation on a host of regional issues, from security to trade to human rights, but mostly regarding democratic governance.

Fortunately, competitive elections have become the norm in Latin America over the last three decades. As we mourn the death of Senator Ted Kennedy, I am reminded of our joint effort to establish the U.S. Committee for Free Elections in Chile. Twenty-one years after Chile's referendum on military rule, Latin Americans can boast of significant progress in embracing democratic values, as symbolized by the adoption of the Inter-American Democratic Charter in Lima, Peru, on September 11, 2001.

Nevertheless, democratic consolidation is yet to be enjoyed by all who live in the region. Challenges to the rule of law, freedom of the press, and human rights affect many of the hemisphere's inhabitants. And, because of the historical legacy of American support of military governments in Latin America, U.S. credibility on democracy is often questioned.

In light of these challenges, I am encouraged by the Obama Administration's early condemnation of the Coup that removed President Zelaya from power in Honduras. I strongly support President Oscar Arias' mediation efforts. But, I also believe that President Zelaya took steps, before and after his removal, that were provocative and helped contribute to deep divisions in Honduran society.

As I mentioned to President Zelaya in our meeting last week, a solution to Honduras's impasse should be sought through constructive means.

The crisis has proven costly for U.S. policy towards Latin America. Despite my own efforts, partisan battles in the U.S. Senate have delayed the confirmation of Arturo Valenzuela to be Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs and Thomas Shannon to be Ambassador to Brazil.

Unfortunately, we are all too familiar with delays for key Latin America administration posts through the years. The events in Honduras heighten the urgency of assembling President Obama's diplomatic team for the region. The hold on the nominations for these two key posts impedes the advancement of U.S. diplomacy in the hemisphere.

Another critical testing ground of U.S. support for democracy is Venezuela, where basic civil liberties are under threat. President Chávez has intensified harassment of the media, naming the opposition television network Globovisión as his main target.

Two years ago, Senator Dodd and I introduced and passed a resolution expressing the concerns of the Senate regarding the transgressions against freedom of expression in Venezuela.

President Obama and Secretary Clinton, Senators at the time, co-sponsored the resolution. I hope that they will not shy away from support for Venezuelans' civil liberties, even while they express respect for Venezuelan sovereignty and a willingness to work with the government on matters of mutual concern, such as cooperation on stemming the trafficking of drugs through Venezuela to the rest of the region and the United States. The free flow of information is an essential element of democracy. The role of the media as a conduit between government and citizens cannot be devalued.

In the case of Cuba, our 47-year-old policy has failed to promote democracy and human rights on the island, at the expense of broader U.S. foreign policy interests.

I have argued in the past that a process of sequenced engagement with Cuba would improve the prospects for dialogue on a host of issues, including human rights, and remove a source of friction in our regional relations.

The Administration took a positive step last week when it announced the formal elimination of nearly all U.S. barriers on family travel and remittances for Cuban-Americans. The Treasury Department has also eased some licensing requirements for visitors engaged in agricultural and medical sales. I have also urged President Obama to work with Congress to allow travel for all Americans.

But, as we tackle these very difficult issues, the Administration should not lose focus of the broader picture in the Region, particularly energy security and climate change, the need to develop a hemisphere-wide drug trafficking and organized crime strategy, and the reform of the Organization of American States. These are important issues that require the Administration's support and attention.

At the Summit of the Americas in April, President Obama invited countries of the region to participate in an Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas, a voluntary framework for advancing energy security and combating climate change. This initiative has great potential to deepen hemispheric collaboration on the development of renewable energy sources, while presenting an antidote to the recent wave of energy nationalism in the region.

Even as we cooperate with Brazil and other countries to attain genuine energy security through renewable sources, we must also bolster reliable trade in hydrocarbons. With recent finds, Brazil is poised to become a major global oil producer. This calls for the United States to broaden its energy dialogue with Brazil, with the goal of diversifying the oil supply while reducing consumption of this finite resource.

Brazil is a key partner in many other ways as well. Addressing climate change and deforestation, ensuring food security, and bolstering the global economy are obvious shared tasks.

I also welcome and encourage Mexico's growing role in energy security and in broader regional affairs. An important economy, Mexico could also play a larger role in the hemisphere's energy security if it is willing to modernize its aging energy infrastructure.

Washington should also encourage Mexico to assume a more proactive role within the Americas, stepping forward on a broad set of issues and relationships where Mexico can make an important contribution and where it has a natural interest, such as in Central America.

In this regard, I am glad to see President Calderon's serious commitment to build on the success of the Merida Initiative and increase counternarcotics cooperation with his neighbors to the South in addition to the United States. The growing problem of drug-related violence bears shared responsibility and requires broad cooperative action.

It is clear that the fight against drugs must be won through full cooperation among producing, transit, and consuming nations.

The recent controversy over an agreement to increase the U.S. military presence on Colombian bases illustrates the difficulties in achieving such cooperation. I support the Obama Administration's decision on the accord, which simply formalizes existing cooperation against narcotics trafficking. It does not increase American personnel in Colombia, nor does it call for the construction of new U.S.-operated bases in Colombia.

Nevertheless, the United States must acknowledge the concerns presented by countries such as Brazil and Chile recently articulated at a meeting of the Union of South American Nations, UNASUR. The Obama Administration could invite UNASUR to join in an effort to develop effective strategies to battle the illegal drug trade in South America.

The Administration should also encourage UNASUR to work with the Venezuelan government on drug interdiction, given the deterioration in U.S.-Venezuelan counternarcotics cooperation in recent years, highlighted in a recent Government Accountability Office report I commissioned on the subject.

The report is the first comprehensive overview of U.S-Venezuela counternarcotics efforts since the break in U.S.-Venezuelan cooperation in 2002. The report demonstrates that the resulting decline in counternarcotics cooperation between the U.S. and Venezuela hurts our ability to interdict drugs en route to the United States.

From security issues to democratic governance, the region faces many challenges. An organization that has the potential to act with unique legitimacy in finding solutions to some of these problems is the Organization of American States.

But, in light of the OAS's unsuccessful attempts to mediate the crisis in Honduras, chronic financing problems and the emergence of new regional organizations, such as UNASUR, many are wondering if the OAS as currently set up can meet the region's challenges. In this new environment, member countries of the OAS will have to answer difficult questions regarding the organization's role.

For example, has the proliferation of new mandates led to an overstretched organization? Can the OAS be made more effective with a more targeted agenda? If the OAS's chronic financing problems are to be addressed through higher member quotas, then we must also ask how the OAS should best promote transparency and accountability in its program implementation and assessment process. Finally, we must consider if the OAS's performance on Honduras requires a broader evaluation of its ability to respond effectively to threats to democratic governance.

The strengthening of the OAS will ultimately depend on the degree of confidence placed in the organization by its member states and the organization's ability to get things done.

U.S. policy must take into account Latin America's diversity as well as its increasing willingness to tackle national and regional problems. A pragmatic U.S. agenda will help foster a long-term partnership to strengthen democracy, make the hemisphere more secure, and address the transnational challenges that no one country can solve alone.

Thank you.

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